Bangladesh’s many fault traces clarify its turmoil

Whereas there are numerous causes explaining the occasions in Bangladesh over the previous few weeks, the central narrative forwarded is the autocratic governance type of the deposed Prime Minister (PM), Sheikh Hasina. Nevertheless, this slim prism blurs the fault traces and contradictions which have existed within the society and polity of Bangladesh since its creation.

There was an ongoing battle between the nation’s Bengali tradition and an Islamist resurgence, spearheaded within the mainstream by the likes of the Jamaat-e-Islami, on which a Hasina-era ban has simply been revoked by the interim authorities headed by Muhammad Yunus. Three predominant identities have been vying with one another for pre-eminence within the nation: One, of secularist nationalism, two, of Islamism and an Islam-led State, and three, of the favored Bengali tradition that’s extra accommodating and syncretic.

Roughly 90% of the inhabitants of Bangladesh practises Islam as a faith. Whereas the amended Structure of Bangladesh enshrines Islam because the State faith, it has additionally restored the Article that gives for freedom of faith and secularism.

I had the chance to work together with senior defence and civil providers officers whereas attending the Nationwide Defence Course in Dhaka. Surprisingly, even a number of the military officers have been vocal concerning the paramount significance of Islam within the functioning of the State and questioned the restoration of the phrase “secularism” within the Structure.

One other main fault line is rooted in how the nation’s historical past is considered. Bangladesh is polarised into teams that both took half within the Battle of Liberation or stayed out of it, based on their political values, beliefs and beliefs. Since India performed a predominant position in creating Bangladesh, its position is central within the narratives of those teams. The nationalists felt that India’s position was restricted to bringing Bangladesh beneath its sphere of affect to additional its financial pursuits and achieve higher entry to Northeastern India. The professional-Chinese language Left believed that India’s intention was to make Bangladesh a colony for importing uncooked supplies to cater to the jute trade in West Bengal. The novel Left perceived India as an expansionist energy and believed that Bangladesh’s liberation was an unfinished revolution. The Islamists propagated that India’s actual motive was to interrupt up Pakistan, the Muslim homeland, because the Hindus had by no means reconciled to the thought of an unbiased Islamic State.

Nevertheless, what isn’t well-known in India is that the Mukti Bahini, consisting of various ideological entities, additionally resented India’s position. It had reluctantly fought beneath the general command of India and couldn’t reconcile to its predominant position. The give up ceremony was perceived extra as an Indian present than a Bangladeshi one even supposing Group Captain AK Khandker, who later grew to become Bangladesh’s chief of air drive, was current on the give up. The truth is, in Bangladesh, it’s politically incorrect to say the 1971 battle as an Indo-Pak warfare. Moreover, within the nationwide museum at Dhaka, only a few displayed gadgets mirror India’s position in Bangladesh’s Liberation Battle.

Thus, the propaganda that India’s assist in the liberation battle got here with a worth has gained broad forex. It then grew to become politically expedient responsible India for all the issues Bangladesh has been going through ever since. Mistrust of India additionally has a communal dimension formed by historical past. The narrative of India being hegemonic has develop into the dominant narrative.

Bangladesh’s perceptions of India are additionally formed by the media there. Minor irritants like delays in getting visas for journey to India and border incidents are amplified, overshadowing the co-operational advantages. Misperceptions among the many public are additionally in abundance, comparable to India finishing up a cultural invasion by beaming its TV channels to Bangladesh whereas blocking the Bangladeshi channels, particularly in West Bengal. Regardless of periodic explanations that it’s merely because of industrial causes whereby Bangladeshi broadcasters aren’t able to pay any carry charge to Indian cable TV service suppliers, the difficulty is flogged periodically. Thus, the typical Bangladeshi views China favourably in comparison with India, which is seen as antagonistic.

Bangladesh has additionally not been capable of institutionalise steady civil-military relations regardless of so a few years of democracy. The principal cause lies within the nature of its politics, which is characterised by lethal confrontations, revenge, and battle for energy by the 2 main political events, giving rise to a dysfunctional democratic order with an abysmal report of institution-building. Resulting from mutual antagonism, successive regimes have needed to maintain the army on their respective sides. There’s a widely-held notion that to win the elections, they want the tacit assist of the military. Bifurcation of the defence ministry and inserting of the armed forces division beneath the PM has blocked the normal command channel beneath the armed forces operate in different democracies. This has accelerated the politicisation of the establishment.

The Bangladeshi military, particularly, and the nation’s defence forces, usually, fairly like Pakistan’s, are deeply concerned in controlling industrial actions. Proof of the military’s wealth and affect isn’t arduous to seek out. The military’s interface with civilian life can also be way more than regular, to the detriment of its position as a purely militaristic establishment. It’s usually referred to as to carry out routine civil administration duties comparable to visitors management in Dhaka, and preparation of nationwide ID playing cards and voter lists.

These systemic incongruities make Bangladesh extra weak to divisions than any exterior components that could be at play within the present turmoil. In addition they present context to the latest turbulence resulting in assaults on minorities and the military’s refusal to quell the anti-Hasina protests initially. Except these fault traces are recognised, there may be little that may be performed to vary Bangladesh’s course over the long run.

SK Saini is a former vice chief of the Indian Military and former commander, Southern Military.The views expressed are private