If somebody from the Nineteen Sixties had been sitting within the customer’s gallery of the Lok Sabha over the weekend, they’d doubtless have been shocked by the phalanx of lawmakers chopping throughout get together and beliefs swearing their allegiance to BR Ambedkar. Only a decade after the towering constitutionalist died in 1956, his legacy had all however been erased from the political mainstream — a activity completed by the collective contribution of each main political get together on the time.

Saved alive by way of the sacrifice and dedication of grassroots followers, the edifice of Babasaheb Ambedkar’s legacy was constructed extra painstakingly than every other main chief of his time. 4 a long time handed after his demise earlier than the federal government noticed match to confer the nation’s highest civilian honour on the person who steered the Republic’s founding doc. It took a technology, numerous assaults by higher castes, the razing of villages and folks being burnt to demise for a state authorities so as to add his title to a college, that too after 16 years of protests. And it took practically half a century for governments to start preserving the buildings and locations the place India’s first regulation minister labored.
If it appears to some that Babasaheb’s followers unnecessarily deify him, it’s due to their lingering reminiscence of this unsavoury historical past. In a society riven by inequality the place biased strictures ruled not simply human beings but additionally their shadows, interventions by Babasaheb within the Structure tried to degree the enjoying discipline and be certain that each citizen’s proper to political equality was matched by an analogous declare to equality on the social aircraft. His ideology of assertion offered marginalised communities with a weapon to beat again entrenched dogma; it ensured that whilst social establishments had been gradual to evolve and eradicate discrimination, authorities establishments might now not legally protect unfair practices.
The love that many communities proceed to carry for Babasaheb is rooted on this lived actuality. His teachings taught these communities to take satisfaction in their very own cultures when dominant teams — regardless of their political inclinations or ideology — both ridiculed them or sought to efface them. His phrases gave them braveness once they confronted bigotry within the classroom or on the consuming water fountain. The Structure he helped write ensured that no quantity of bias might cease them from coming into faculties or the office. And his achievements helped them construct a way of possession over a rustic the place on a regular basis socioeconomic disparity typically threatens the political equality enshrined within the Structure. The reverence related to the determine of Ambedkar, subsequently, is neither mere adulation nor frenzy. And it’s misguided to name the politics constructed round it fuelled simply by grievance or worship as a result of aspiration and the dream of a greater life are baked into it.
The refusal of enormous chunks of society to evolve from mindsets steeped in caste solely bolsters this reverence. If younger Dalit youngsters have entered the classroom by way of the Structure, they’ve been pressured to take a seat on the ground. If Dalit girls have cooked mid-day meals, these have been spurned by higher caste youngsters. If Dalit college students have sat in faculties, they’ve been ridiculed as quota instances by friends, even professors. In the event that they’ve been employed to work, they’ve battled immeasurable bias for primary developments that their colleagues take without any consideration.
And so they’ve been attacked — for marrying throughout caste traces, sporting a moustache, using a horse, sitting cross-legged, enjoying music or utilizing ringtones with Babasaheb’s title in it, finding out, having social media profiles, consuming water, carrying their hair lengthy, shunning handbook scavenging, or just stepping outdoors the house. They’ve confronted volleys of slurs, most of them perversions of their beloved Babasaheb’s title, each time they’ve asserted their identification.
Not to mention Ambedkar, even his statues haven’t been spared. Within the face of such bigotry, is it actually shocking in the event that they’ve rallied round a reputation that has assured them dignity in a milieu the place neighbours and mates, colleagues and friends seem unable to recognise and rectify casteist attitudes?
For the reason that Nineteen Nineties, political events have more and more come to understand the importance of Babasaheb within the lives of many Indians. However as an alternative of real engagement, most mainstream events have sought to mine the millions-strong demographic for votes. This cynical exploitation of the emotional hyperlink between the icon and his followers has crafted a weird spectacle the place one get together, which believes in orthodox scriptures and teachings categorically rejected by Babasaheb, a second get together whose stalwarts publicly opposed him, undermined his teachings and refused to present him his due, and a 3rd get together whose chief spent years railing in opposition to reservations and as soon as fired a colleague for repeating Babasaheb’s vows are all vying to be topped the true heir of the constitutionalist’s legacy.
Misplaced on this melee are uncomfortable questions of political empowerment — what number of events have genuinely senior Dalit leaders? What number of nominate Dalit candidates outdoors reserved seats? What number of can declare to grapple with the expansive ideology and teachings of the person they ostensibly comply with? What number of have labored to undo the stranglehold of dominant communities within the administration and the police, or higher implement reservations? What number of have helped younger marginalised folks battle hostility and construct a greater life? What number of have expressed a dedication to behave in opposition to casteism, even when it comes from their very own leaders and followers? And what number of see Babasaheb’s legacy in its entirety — as a labour reformer, economist, authorized scholar, constitutionalist, and a pioneer whose philosophy of fairness propels evolving struggles resembling these for LGBTQ rights — and never cut back him to a single group? If the political battle for Ambedkar seems messy, it’s in all probability as a result of performative rhetoric has changed real engagement.
The views expressed are private