the Case of the Yazidis

In August 2014, the Sinjar district grew to become the scene of mass executions carried out by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) towards the Yazidi group, an ethnoreligious minority group of whom the world in northern Iraq is extensively generally known as their ancestral homeland.[1] Throughout this bloodbath, recognised as a genocide by the UN, ISIS captured 1000’s of girls and ladies, some as younger as 9.[2] The group engaged in widespread sexual violence towards the Yazidis within the years following. Yazidi ladies, previously held by the group as intercourse slaves, describe having endured rape, pressured marriage, and compelled abortion.[3] But the sexual slavery of ISIS has prolonged far past bodily hurt. A 3rd of the enslaved Yazidis stay lacking, and survivors proceed to face obstacles to reconciliation.[4]

Other than its legacy that demonstrates the significance of taking note of the Islamic State’s sexual slavery, the causes of the group’s sexual violence stay poorly understood.[5] Many have merely sought to explain moderately than perceive the crimes dedicated towards the feminine Yazidis.[6] Furthermore, whereas the media extensively reported that ISIS wielded sexual violence indiscriminately, others have pointed to the systematic method through which feminine Yazidis have been focused.[7] Including to this puzzle is that sexual violence can undermine the credibility of terrorists and their calls for.[8] This begs questions as to why and for what functions ISIS nonetheless engaged in it. As such, this essay asks: To what extent can present theories of conflict-related sexual violence clarify the Islamic State’s sexual enslavement of the Yazidis?

The rest of this essay is organised as follows. First, three theories are outlined which were proposed to clarify variations in conflict-related sexual violence. Following an outline of the strategies used for this essay, the patterns of ISIS’ sexual slavery of the Yazidis might be analysed utilizing these three theoretical lenses. The essay will subsequent elaborate on the distinctive patterns of sexual violence current within the case of ISIS. Lastly, the conclusion displays on the principle query and proposes a path for additional analysis.

Three Explanations for Battle Associated Sexual Violence

Whereas sexual violence was lengthy assumed to be an inevitable by-effect of battle, UNSCR 1820 marked a paradigm shift. Within the decision, adopted in 2008, the UN for the primary time recognised sexual violence as a “tactic of warfare”.[9] A consensus adopted that sexual violence can and needs to be prohibited in instances of battle. But sexual violence stays tough to forestall, as its prevalence varies between and even inside conflicts.[10] Whereas some insurgent organisations have carried out giant and organised campaigns of sexual violence, others have kept away from it.[11] Certainly, there have been ample circumstances the place wartime sexual violence has been utterly absent.[12] By now, a number of theoretical explanations have been supplied to account for these variations. There are those that purport sexual violence happens, first, as a technique; second, as a chance; and third, as a observe (Wooden 2014: 462). It’s value noting that this distinction is primarily for analytical functions. Battle-related sexual violence is an inherently complicated phenomenon, and so it’s unlikely that anybody idea can totally clarify the noticed patterns of violence.[13]

The primary clarification states that terrorist teams make use of sexual violence as a deliberate tactic to terrorise civilians and coerce residents into compliance.[14] Different regularly cited tactical elements of sexual violence are that it might be used to supply a brand new era of fighters by impregnating ladies [15] or to generate financial income by participating in slave commerce.[16] Knowledgeable by UNSCR 1820, sexual violence might in response to this clarification thus be employed as a technique in an try to safe and increase social, ideological and territorial management.

Conversely, the second clarification assumes that sexual violence happens as a spontaneous act, merely because of the alternative battle facilitates in fostering a local weather of impunity.[17] Based on this clarification, conflict-related sexual violence transpires within the absence of a deliberate technique however moderately happens due to particular person motivations;[18] male’s organic sexual wants;[19] or state collapse and the dissolution of authorized methods.[20] Echoing feminist scholar Susan Brownmiller’s notion of conflict-related sexual violence who argued that “warfare supplies males with a tacit license to rape”,[21] this clarification assumes that masculinity generates the incentives for sexual violence to happen — whereas battle facilitates the beneficial circumstances below which these could also be carried out.

This understanding, nevertheless, can’t totally clarify why some combatants have interaction in sexual violence whereas others don’t.[22] The third clarification holds that conflict-related sexual violence can even happen as a observe. This idea sees conflict-related sexual violence as a product of social interactions and pressures moderately than particular person motivations or organic precursors.[23] It assumes peacetime gender relations and socio-cultural norms play a big position in using sexual violence by terrorists and conflict-related sexual violence is as such thought of a social phenomenon.[24] This clarification asserts that conflict-related sexual violence is neither an adopted technique nor restricted to particular person actions. Opposite to the previous explanations, it attributes a big position to socialisation within the prevalence of conflict-related sexual violence.[25]

Strategies

Within the following, the essay first outlines the Islamic State’s patterns of sexual slavery of the Yazidis. Subsequent, it is going to be evaluated to what extent these patterns could be understood by the theoretical lenses of conflict-related sexual violence outlined above, of (1) technique, (2) alternative and (3) observe. To make these theories operational, their observable implications have been decided as follows.

First, if the group’s sexual slavery is strategic, it’s anticipated to be institutionalised and ordered, utilized in pursuit of the group’s political targets.[26] Which means ISIS employs sexual slavery to extend its ideological and territorial affect;[27] to impose sectarian hierarchies;[28] to generate financial income;[29] or to extend its total variety of fighters.[30] If, nevertheless, ISIS’ sexual slavery could be opportunistic, it’s anticipated to happen indiscriminately and to be carried out for particular person causes moderately than group targets. An extra implication anticipated on this case is that sexual violence happens along side different kinds of violence towards the focused particular person, similar to looting and killing.[31] Lastly, for ISIS’ sexual slavery to be thought of a observe, it’s anticipated to happen on account of social incentives, therefore tolerated moderately than purposefully applied as coverage.[32] Sexual slavery might on this case be the result of the group’s social and patriarchal norms and tradition. Moreover, it’s anticipated to create social cohesion among the many group’s members and persists on account of social strain.

To evaluate these implications, a mix of secondary and first sources might be analysed. The consulted secondary sources consist of educational literature and stories of NGO’s and the UN. These are complemented by interviews and testimonies of former Yazidi captives, a Q&A on sexual slavery ISIS printed in 2015 and, lastly, the fourth and ninth problems with ISIS’ propaganda journal Dabiq, as these comprise articles that debate its sexual enslavement of the Yazidis intimately. Combining these totally different sources will make it doable to triangulate between sources to extend the credibility of the findings.

Context: The Islamic State’s sexual slavery

As a Salafi-jihadist organisation, ISIS adheres to a extremely patriarchal ideology through which conventional gender relations and -norms take centre stage. Following its genocide towards the Yazidis in August 2014, ISIS took management over the Sinjar area, seized and enslaved roughly 7,000 Yazidi ladies and compelled them to transform to Islam.[33] Till 2017, ISIS handled Yazidi ladies and ladies brutally. Former captives have been subjected to day by day rape, extreme bodily and emotional abuse, pressured abortion, and compelled marriage.[34] ISIS regulated its slavery by buying and selling markets inside and throughout the Syrian and Iraqi borders.[35] To maintain this trafficking system and to facilitate routine rape, Yazidi ladies have been pressured to take contraceptives.[36] Slaves that have been categorized economically Most worthy, for instance younger ladies, have been gifted to the group’s commanders.[37] Furthermore, frequently, ISIS additionally gifted Yazidi ladies to its members as rewards.[38]

ISIS has referred to as its seize and enslavement of the Yazidis a “firmly established facet of the Shari’a”.[39] By publishing a number of paperwork on its enslavement of the Yazidis, ISIS subjected its slavery to numerous guidelines derived from Shari’a legislation and the Quran and Hadith. These guidelines decide when it’s lawful to have sexual activity with slaves, present tips for his or her remedy, and regulate the punishments that apply when slaves misbehave.[40] For instance, ISIS prohibits its fighters to have sexual activity with pregnant ladies or to interact in sexual relations with slaves of whom it’s not the unique proprietor.[41] Lastly, it’s value noting that though ISIS kept away from enslaving different minorities on an analogous scale to the Yazidis, the group focused different social teams with different types of sexual violence, similar to rape and compelled marriage.[42] Having outlined this context, this essay proceeds to analyse the extent to which the sexual enslavement of the Yazidis could be defined by the theoretical lenses of conflict-related sexual violence talked about above. Mentioned within the following are the lenses of (1) technique, (2) alternative and (3) observe respectively.

Concentrating on the Yazidis: A method

First, the extent to which ISIS’ sexual slavery was regulated by markets, tariffs and registration websites point out that it was extremely institutionalised.[43] Furthermore, ISIS has described Yazidi ladies as “pagans”, “infidels” and “apostates”, whereas contending that they “willingly accepted Islam (…) after their exit from the darkness of shirk [disbelief]”.[44] Together with testimonies from former captives who declare to have been forcibly transformed to Islam, these designations present an try by ISIS to extend its ideological affect.[45] By focusing on the Yazidis individually, ISIS has sought to impose sectarian hierarchies on the collective degree.[46] As such, each the excessive diploma of institutionalisation and the subjugation of Yazidi ladies due to their non secular id recommend a technique.

Nonetheless, the strategic part of ISIS’ sexual slavery is weakened because the group pressured Yazidis to make use of contraceptives to maintain routine rape and trafficking and to bear abortions.[47] This contradicts the notion that sexual slavery could also be employed to extend the general variety of followers.[48] Additional weakening the strategic worth of ISIS’ sexual slavery is that ‘helpful’ Yazidi slaves have been gifted to the group’s commanders.[49] This implies that ISIS regulated its slave commerce primarily to fulfill the sexual wants of its militants in an try to create social cohesion moderately than to generate financial income. Furthermore, as a result of ISIS already managed the Sinjar space since its genocide in 2014, it’s unlikely that the group engaged in sexual slavery the years after to increase its territorial affect. A closing and maybe most important level that questions the applicability of this idea is that whereas ISIS approves of its sexual slavery, it’s not essentially ordered. This might have been anticipated within the case of this clarification. Members of the group should not obligated to take part in sexual slavery, or are punished in the event that they abstain from doing so.[50]

Concentrating on the Yazidis: A possibility

Contemplating the extremely institutionalised method through which ISIS organised its sexual slavery described above, it’s unlikely that the group’s fighters engaged in sexual slavery as a spontaneous act. This isn’t to say particular person motivations have performed no position in particular circumstances of Yazidi enslavement. But, its excessive diploma of management and regulation recommend that the enslavement of the Yazidis initiated and continued on account of group constructions moderately than particular person incentives. Furthermore, ISIS’ (2015b) authorized restrictions and guidelines on sexual slavery derived from Shari’a legislation recommend that the victimisation of Yazidi ladies was not indiscriminate. Extra usually, the selective focusing on of the Yazidis in itself disputes the indiscriminate nature of the group’s violence.

Though Yazidis have been closely abused when held as slaves, this needs to be seen as a part of the group’s establishment of slavery moderately than stemming from spontaneous acts of violence that weren’t explicitly addressed or justified on behalf of the group. For instance, ISIS authorised “darb ta’deeb”, disciplinary beatings, however prohibited “darb al-ta’dheeb”, torture beating.[51] Furthermore, the group constrained its slavery to clear tips and due to this fact didn’t rape or abuse Yazidi ladies outdoors this establishment.[52] Such ‘restrictions’ on violence wouldn’t have been anticipated within the case of this clarification, whereas different crimes except for sexual slavery towards the focused particular person would.

Concentrating on the Yazidis: A observe

Lastly, to look at whether or not the sexual slavery of ISIS could be understood as a observe, it’s key to contemplate the position of social incentives and norms. On this respect, ISIS justified its sexual slavery by invoking its patriarchal gender beliefs, for instance by stating that the enslavement of the Yazidis restored their “honour” and “purity”.[53] Furthermore, as a result of ISIS focused ladies belonging to different social teams with different types of sexual violence, notably rape and compelled marriage.[54] This implies that ISIS’ sexual slavery could be considered an consequence of societal discrimination towards ladies extra usually. It’s, due to this fact, doubtless that Yazidi ladies have been focused as a product of the group’s hypermasculine and patriarchal ideology.

On this method, the subjugation of the Yazidis instilled a way of gender hierarchy in ISIS fighters.[55] This means that ISIS’ sexual slavery could be thought of a type of social strain, as participating in sexual slavery might have confirmed the combatants’ masculinity. An extra method through which social pressures among the many group’s members might have performed a task is for non secular causes. ISIS referred to these opposing sexual slavery as “apostatising from Islam”.[56] Lastly, the change of intercourse slaves as presents and rewards created social cohesion among the many group’s members.[57] In step with this clarification, these options mixed reveal the significance of social norms, cohesion and strain that has undergirded ISIS’ patterns of sexual slavery.

Regardless of these similarities, this theoretical clarification can’t clarify why ISIS kept away from enslaving different ethnoreligious minorities thought of their ideological enemies on a scale just like that of the Yazidis.[58] This might have been anticipated if its impetuses had been societal discrimination, strain or cohesion. Equally, the extremely institutionalised and top-down patterns of ISIS’ sexual slavery make the applicability of this theoretical clarification questionable.[59] Lastly, contradicting the core premise of this clarification, ISIS explicitly addressed and exalted its sexual slavery. This means that the Yazidis have been subjected to sexual violence not solely as a result of it was tolerated, however as a result of the group thought of it righteous.

Concentrating on the Yazidis: Distinctive patterns

Having linked ISIS’ patterns of sexual slavery to those theoretical explanations, it turns into clear that the group’s focusing on of the Yazidis can’t be totally defined by one among these theories. Though the technique and observe theories present partial perception, these too can’t clarify why ISIS explicitly proclaimed its sexual slavery with out explicitly ordering it or, on this sense, merely tolerating it. To higher perceive these patterns, it’s worthwhile to contemplate how ISIS itself perceived the utility of its sexual slavery.

As famous, ISIS put forth a number of limitations and permissions derived from the Shari’a and Quran as to how feminine captives needs to be handled. Primarily based on these guidelines, it set out the circumstances below which sexual activity with slaves is and isn’t permitted. This means that the group sought to restrict its sexual slavery to a particular set of spiritual tips to rationalise its acts. By contending that the Yazidis have been captured on “Allah’s command”, ISIS makes an attempt to justify its sexual slavery not by imposing it as a gaggle — moderately, it frames it as being religiously authorised.[60] Primarily based on this reconfiguration of Islam, ISIS not solely considers the enslavement of the Yazidis to be in “Allah’s favour”, however even refers to it as being prompted by a “permission of Allah”.[61] This constitutes a transcendental motivation for its sexual slavery, pointing to a particular sample of violence that can’t sufficiently be captured by the examined explanations.

The justifications ISIS provides for its sexual slavery are extraordinarily helpful for enhancing our understanding of conflict-related sexual violence. They supply a uncommon perception into the rationale of a terrorist group that has resorted to sexual violence. That is particularly necessary as a result of assessments of the utility of conflict-related sexual violence are sometimes based mostly on assumptions.[62] The non secular motivations which underpinned the subjugation of the Yazidis aligns with concepts of Revkin and Wooden, who argue that ISIS’ ideology dictated distinct insurance policies of (sexual) violence towards totally different social teams.[63] In mild of the dominant paradigm of conflict-related sexual violence — through which it’s understood both as a strategic, spontaneous or social phenomenon — the transcendental parts central to ISIS’ sexual slavery recommend that the position of ideological components in condoning conflict-related sexual violence advantage additional exploration.

Conclusion

Within the years following the Sinjar assault on the Yazidi group in 2014, 1000’s of Yazidi ladies have been subjected to widespread sexual slavery by ISIS. Within the wake of the group’s affect, a lot stays unknown concerning the motivations behind the Islamic State’s sexual slavery of the Yazidis. This contribution aspired to make clear these patterns by analyzing the extent to which present theoretical explanations of conflict-related sexual violence can clarify ISIS’ sexual enslavement of the Yazidis.

Three explanations of conflict-related sexual violence have been adopted as a lens, particularly people who purport sexual violence happens as a technique, as a observe and as a chance. The primary two supplied partial solutions. Notably, the excessive diploma of institutionalisation, social pressures and the significance of gender hierarchies that undergirded ISIS’ patterns of sexual slavery are in keeping with these explanations. Conversely, the explanatory worth of the chance idea was undermined primarily by the group’s selective and methodical focusing on of Yazidi ladies. Regardless of the partial solutions that the primary two theories may present, ISIS rationalised its sexual slavery by promulgating it as “Allah’s command” moderately than a gaggle’s mandate. This factors to a transcendent and distinctive sample of violence insufficiently defined by any of the prevailing theories.[64]

The findings of this essay are exploratory in nature. Nonetheless, the transcendental steerage underpinning ISIS’ patterns of slavery means that to grasp variations in conflict-related sexual violence, the main focus shouldn’t solely lie on understanding sure tactical, opportunistic and social parts that incite such violence. It additionally requires an appreciation of the group’s rationale that creates the context through which conflict-related sexual violence could be justified. Analyzing the ideological fundaments of terrorist teams that resort to sexual violence might present a helpful start line for additional evaluation.

Notes

[1] Zeynep Kayna. Iraq’s Yazidis and ISIS. LSE Center East Centre Report (2009). Retrieved from: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/102617/1/Kaya_yazidis_and_isis_published.pdf, p. 7.

[2] United Nations Human Rights Council. They Got here to Destroy”: ISIS Crimes In opposition to the Yazidis. A/HRC/32/CRP.2 (15 June 2016). Retrieved from: https://www.ohchr.org/Paperwork/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoISyria/A_HRC_32_CRP.2_en.pdf, p. 3.

[3] Amnesty Worldwide. Escape from Hell: Torture and Sexual Slavery in Islamic State Captivity in Iraq. London: United Kingdom (2014). Accessible at: https://www.amnesty.org/obtain/Paperwork/MDE140212014ENGLISH.pdf.

[4] Gina Vale, “Liberated, not free: Yazidi ladies after Islamic State Captivity,” Small Wars & Insurgencies 31, no. 3 (2020): 511-539, p. 512.

[5] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Establishments, Insurance policies and Practices.” Journal of World Safety Research 6, no. 2 (2021): 1-20.