“Are you listening?”, she mentioned. “The forest is speaking to you.” This line, articulated by a Yanomami lady, is from the documentary The Final Forest (2021). Yanomami is an indigenous folks residing in a mountainous area of the Amazon forest, in right now’s northern Brazil.[1] The director Bolognesi hopes that the documentary may introduce the viewers to the life and resistance of the Yanomami, “from the interplay with them, from the need of listening and understanding them in their very own phrases”.[2] It’s a theatricalised illustration of the Yanomami neighborhood. But by its creative kind, it additionally efficiently impresses on the viewers a deep sense of the uphill wrestle for survival dealing with the indigenous peoples in Brazil.
For the reason that discovery of gold deposits of their land in 1986, the Yanomami have endured invasions by 1000’s of gold prospectors. 1000’s of Yanomami folks have been murdered, to not point out the environmental air pollution and ailments these prospectors introduced.[3] They symbolize one of many many indigenous peoples—talking numerous languages and imposed numerous names by Portuguese colonists[4]—who grew to become identified collectively because the “Indians”. For a contextualised understanding of the place of the indigenous in Brazil—or certainly the politics of indigeneity itself—we should go additional again in historical past. The making of “the Indians” is inextricably intertwined with the making of “Brazil”, a lot in order that the anthropologist Gomes finds it “onerous to affiliate the 2 in some other approach than a zero sum”.[5] This essay makes an attempt to hint the start and shifting meanings of indigeneity in Brazil, from the beginning of Portuguese colonisation by Brazil’s independence to up to date time. My competition is that the “indigenous” subjectivity was made and remade by the settlers for the elimination and self-discipline of human beings which have lengthy resided on the land they occupied. I additionally talk about the implications this had for the peoples who’ve been thought-about indigenous, and the way these dynamics have modified right now.
The Newly “Indigenous” in Portuguese Brazil
The primary encounter and the start of the indigenous
What is supposed by “indigeneity” or “the indigenous”? One would have answered in another way had the historical past of the Lusophone South Atlantic not unfolded because it did. The place of the “indigenous”, it appears, may solely make sense just about the method of contact and its enduring results. Thus, I shall borrow the explication by Appiah and Robertson to orient this essay: Citing Appiah’s formulation that “few issues . . . are much less native than nativism in its present kind”, Robertson contends that a lot of the notion of indigeneity right now is “itself traditionally contingent upon encounters between one civilizational area and one other”.[6] Simply as Robertson makes use of the time period “Glocalisation” to seize the dialectical relationship between the native and the international, we should additionally perceive the indigeneity of the “Indians” within the context of Portuguese conquest of and encounter with peoples who had lengthy resided in right now’s Brazil. Extra vital, this definition of indigeneity as an emergent product of contacts centres the modalities of co-existence and assimilation that have been imposed on the Indians because of the colonial situation in Brazil since 1500. It’s the vicissitudes of this situation that I shall hint.
Quickly after Spain and Portugal signed the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, dividing the “New World” in halves, Portuguese sailors endorsed by the Crown started their makes an attempt at navigating the Atlantic Ocean. As Cabral’s fleet lastly discovered its approach southwest to Brazil in 1500, the Portuguese additionally discovered there the “new species” that they referred to as “the Indians”.[7]Whereas no violent confrontation was recorded in official Brazilian historical past, hostility was already displayed upon the primary encounter between the Portuguese and the native, because the colonisers raided native villages and the native fought valiantly again.[8] Nonetheless, it was not till 1534 that the Portuguese Crown divided Brazil into captaincies and granted native officers the facility to enslave the Indians.[9] For Gomes, this was due to the 1529 bull Inter Arcana issued from Rome, which, following the “simply warfare” philosophy, conveyed Catholic sanction for violent subjection of “the barbarian nations”, if essential, to transmit “information of God”.[10] To Schwarcz and Starling, this timing displays Portuguese strategic calculation amid intensified competitors amongst European powers for a share of the New World.[11]
In any case, from the native perspective, this noticed the start of Portuguese invasion into their lands and exploitation of their labour. The Amazon itself was colonised within the 1620s, ruled individually from different elements of Brazil.[12] One can argue this imperial encounter created the indigenous topic: Hastily, the sons of the soil grew to become a “social gathering” on this battle for land possession and free existence. (Certainly, this was the language utilized by the colonisers, calling the indigenous folks nação gentílica [heathen nation] and themselves entradas/bandeiras [entry/slave parties].[13]) Clearly, the 1548 Laws of Tomé de Souza had conditioned non-violent therapy of Indians on their accepting the colonial situation and gathering into aldeias for higher “indoctrination” and availability of their labour energy. Naturally, many Indians rejected Portuguese intrusion, which the colonisers took as a pretext for his or her enslavement. From 1548 to Brazil’s independence in 1822, dozens of ordinances have been issued in regards to the therapy of the Indians. But solely in a couple of cases have been there considerably unambiguous declarations of “liberty of the Indians”, equivalent to in 1570 with the Freedom of Indians Act,[14] and within the legal guidelines of 1605, 1609, and 1680.[15] (Even then, whether or not these have been enforced is uncertain.) Irrespective of how the language of those decrees modified, and whatever the Crown and the non secular orders’ shifting out and in of consensus, slavery or cativeiro remained a close to fixed actuality for the conquered indigenous peoples.[16]
Logics of elimination and self-discipline
Aside from captivity and slavery—and to facilitate these acts—the indigenous peoples in some areas of Brazil had from early on been topic to a deliberate try at assimilation. By the displacement and re-ordering of indigenous topics, I argue, the colonisers aimed on the results of self-discipline in addition to elimination, in service of the imperial venture.
What strikes did the Portuguese colonists take particularly? There was firstly the duty of shifting the Indians residing within the mountainous inside right down to the east coast of Brazil close to Portuguese settlements. This was partly in order that the Indians might be built-in into the colonial financial system, e.g., by working at engenhos (sugar-mills) close to coastal settlements. However the relocation into aldeias additionally enabled the disciplining of Indians in accordance with the colonisers’ administrative functions and European notions of civilisation. Writing about late 18th century Porto Seguro, Barickman describes the Crown and native officers’ want to “cultivate” the Indians, to acculturate them right into a sedentary agrarian way of life. On the one hand, colonists like José Xavier Machado Monteiro had been abhorred by the perceived “vile, lazy, and corrupt” disposition of the native, who spoke “barbarous” languages, lived in communal huts, wore little clothes, and refused to provide marketable items. Therefore, significantly beneath Pombal’s insurance policies, deliberate makes an attempt have been made to assimilate and “civilise” the Indians. This noticed the creation of Directório dos índios (Directorate of Indians) in 1758, utilized first within the northern and Amazonian captaincies of Para and Maranhao and later (after Brazil’s independence beneath Pedro II[17]) complete Brazil.[18] White “administrators” have been appointed to every aldeia to remodel the “dense darknesses of [the Indians’] rustic methods”.[19] The establishment of aldeias reminds of the panopticon: Indians have been assigned mounted, nucleated residences for simple management; these residences, in flip, have been to stick to sure spatial orientations and areas (to not point out the presence of the church, city corridor, and jail on the centre of vilas to symbolise the coloniser’s energy). Native kids have been required to be taught Portuguese and Catholic doctrines. And naturally, the carrying of garments outdoor was enforced; not borrowed garments however purchased, which contributed to the colonial financial system, too.[20] By labouring and patrolling indigenous our bodies, the colonists may render the Indians each subjected and productive (and the latter in each symbolic—affirming the colonisers’ supposed superiority—and materials senses).[21]
Although the indigenous have been thus supposed to be helpful, they have been additionally topic to a logic of elimination, intensified by additional Portuguese settlement over time (particularly after Brazil’s independence). This may really feel like a paradox or a flaw within the colonisers’ plan, as Barickman suggests.[22] However, Wolfe’s rationalization of “(structural) genocide” helps reconcile these seemingly contradictory logics. To Wolfe, the violence of settler colonialism is just not equal to genocide as conventionally understood (precise killing of teams of human beings). It’s quite the “grouphood”, or the “ongoingness” of an indigenous neighborhood’s mode of existence to borrow a communitarian expression from Walzer,[23]that settler colonialism sought to eradicate. This provides which means to “genos” on this specific type of genocide.[24] By cultural assimilation, Portuguese colonisers disrupted (although not at all times efficiently) the indigenous peoples’ methods of life. Their tremendously wealthy knowledges and practices, then unappreciated by Europeans, may have remained intact however as a substitute suffered appreciable losses. An epistemological/ontological violence no much less eliminatory than direct coercion.[25]
The indigenous insubordination
The loophole in these methods is that indigenous peoples have been removed from obedient. They resisted this colonial venture in a mess of how, and certainly from the very starting of their contact with the Portuguese, as talked about. Barickman notes an absence of historic document on the precise modes of their resistance: We solely know that marginalisation and exploitation however, the Indians in Porto Seguro survived and proceed to dwell. This, he argues, confirms speculations of Indians fleeing from supervised aldeias (such because the 1784 “sublevação da Ilha do Quiepe”, an rebellion involving the flight of 900 Indians from a number of aldeias within the comarca of Ilheus, which lasted seven years[26]), and rumoured drunkenness in defiance to ban on alcohol manufacturing.[27] Nonetheless, some proof is traceable. Established Portuguese settlements have been generally raided by Indians. Within the 1590s, for example, the Indians attacked the settlement of Engenho Santana in Ilhéus, which by the 1570s had over 100 slaves.[28] As Langfur notes, this was mirrored in early cartographic references to Indians within the 17th century, exhibiting that between the mouths of the Pardo and Paraiba Rivers, the a lot feared Botocudo whom colonisers referred to as the Aimoré (actually the “evil ones”) had shaped a barrier to Portuguese settlement, consequently limiting the wealth colonists may derive from Brazil.[29] Barickman places the impact of Indian resistance in numbers: In Porto Seguro, these raids aroused a lot worry and harm that the Portuguese inhabitants declined from 1,320 in 1570 to 600 in twenty years, as two out of three captaincies have been abandoned, and solely one of many seven engenhos there remained beneath management.[30]
The Indians who have been resettled into aldeias additionally resisted by acts of insubordination to and contempt for colonial measures of self-discipline. Inside their huts, native kids above three years of age continued sleeping together with their mother and father, despite the fact that it was formally prohibited. There was no solution to confirm if Indians wore garments indoors both. As for talking Portuguese or native languages, Barickman notes that Indians merely took care to not communicate their “barbarous tongues” within the presence of administrators and different officers.[31] The descendants of some Indian peoples testify to Barickman’s account: Many Indian kids the Portuguese got down to “civilise” had spoken their indigenous languages at any time when doable, regardless of often being caught and punished by the Portuguese.[32] Taken collectively, these acts of insubordination evince the bounds of the colonisers’ authority, despite the fact that the indigenous peoples paid an amazing worth for his or her defiance and their cultures didn’t emerge unscathed.
Change and Continuity after 1822
From non-citizens to orphans and the landless dispossessed
With the independence of Brazil from Portugal in 1822, a lot of the dynamics between the colonisers and the indigenous peoples remained the identical, following the logics of self-discipline and elimination. Initially, with a surge of a brand new want for a Brazilian nationwide identification, Brazilian elites debated the query of citizenship within the new empire, together with the query of Indians. Early on, José Bonifácio de Andrade e Silva introduced his “Notes on the Civilisation of the Barbarian Indians of Brazil” to the Constituent Meeting in 1823 for consideration of the Indians’ place within the new nation.[33] But this was not taken up, as the brand new king Pedro I of Brazil, son of king John VI of Portugal, sanctioned a Structure with none point out of the Indians.[34] Miki defined this by way of the brand new authorities’s incapacity to confront the authorized questions posed by such a heterogeneous inhabitants as Brazil’s. Such makes an attempt however, Indians in Brazil have been left in the identical predicament as slaves, and lots of remained poor and exploited. Main rebellions erupted in early 19th century. Within the early 1830s, Indians together with runaway slaves in Pernambuco and Alagoas fought a three-year rebel in opposition to provincial authorities and sugar planters to guard their land.”[35] One other revolt in 1832, the Guerra dos Cabanos, was staged by run-away slaves and free Indians.[36] As Barman writes, this was unsurprising, on condition that the brand new Imperial regime, the land-owners, and the retailers colluded within the continued exploitation of slaves and the poor free Indians.
Solely beneath Pedro II have been new makes an attempt made at laws of Indian incorporation.[37] Satirically, this proved merely one other stage of exploitation and elimination of the Indians. Underneath strain to abolish slavery, the settlers already started increasing their territory to indigenous lands and relied more and more on enslavement of Indians. When in 1831, Indians have been categorised as “orphans”.[38] Underneath state “guardianship”, they have been to be educated, by labour (or slavery with a meagre pay). Alongside continued compelled labour was an “emancipatory” effort. A Regiment of the Missions was created in 1845, guided by the motto catquese e civilização (Christianisation and civilisation) pursued by the directorate and Capuchin missionaries.[39] The identical assimilatory/eliminatory want shines by these obvious adjustments.
Importantly, anticipating the competition for land possession right now, the Regulation of the Lands was issued in 1850, with main penalties for the indigenous peoples. It established that each property declare should be registered and legalised in public land registrar places of work. This excluded most Indians from claiming authorized possession of land, given their lack of entry to attorneys and capability to navigate the bureaucratic processes.[40] Later political officers nullified a lot of the Indians’ lands and made them public, “by contrived authorized means in addition to by sheer political energy”. [41] Deprivation of homeland, together with elevated contact with autonomous indigenous peoples which introduced them deadly ailments, precipitated the inhabitants of many communities to say no from hundreds of thousands to tens of 1000’s by the 19th century. As if to seek out some consolation on this actuality, 19th century Brazilian elites embraced Social Darwinism and promulgated the concept the indigenous, or “maladaptive”, have been doomed for extinction.[42] Such is the brutality of colonialism for the indigenous peoples: the extra beneficial their ancestral lands, the extra expendable the peoples themselves grew to become to the settlers. As Wolfe writes, citing Rose, “the place they’re is who they’re, and never solely by their very own reckoning. . . . [T]o get in the way in which of settler colonization, all of the native has to do is keep at house.”[43] The “indigenous”, in such a context, was made by the settlers for disappearance.
Institutional approaches to the Indian query and competing pursuits in Republican Brazil
After centuries of struggles by indigenous peoples themselves, the safety of indigenous rights was lastly institutionalised with the formation of the Indian Safety Service (SPI) and later the Nationwide Indian Basis (FUNAI). What motivated SPI’s creation in 1910 was rising sympathy amongst educated Brazilians in main cities.[44]The results of this improvement was combined. SPI recognised Indians as “folks in isolation” quite than “savage”, and supplied some fundamental safety from potential invaders. By the Nineteen Fifties, over 100 service posts had been arrange on (non-autonomous) Indian lands. It promoted indigenous tradition in collaboration with museums and UNESCO. Regardless of all this, SPI did not cease the decline in indigenous inhabitants, which fell to a historic low of 100,000 at one time.[45] Confronted with industrial advances into indigenous lands, SPI may solely act as “pacifier” of the Indians, negotiating (as if it have been negotiable) with them for a division and distribution of the land involved.[46]
The FUNAI, however, was a product of the 1964 coup d’état and the set up of the army regime. The then declining SPI was to the distaste of the regime and was abolished. As a substitute, it tasked the brand new FUNAI with resolving the “Indian query”. This turned out to imply accelerated assimilation of Indians into Brazil. FUNAI helped demarcation of indigenous lands and loved durations of pleasant relationship with Indians. However largely, following the “army regime’s doctrine of “financial improvement with nationwide safety”, it merely intensified contact with autonomous Indians, and “managed” them extra effectively with out compromising different events’ (usually anti-Indian) pursuits.[47] Corporations turned to FUNAI, too, to hold out (unlawful) mining.[48] In its nationalisation venture—to make the indigenous a content material member of recent Brazil—FUNAI’s success (to attain its targets) was pretty restricted, which is in any case higher for the indigenous, as Gomes contends.[49]
Whether or not one views these institutional approaches as paternalistic however pathetic makes an attempt at safety (regardless of that 1988 Structure implied the top of Indians’ state wardship[50]), or as insidious acts of assimilation, we should observe how a lot remained unchanged by the huge span of historical past throughout which “indigeneity” has emerged and been remodeled a number of occasions. Even beneath the façade of concord painted by Gilberto Freyre’s thought of “Luso-tropicalism” and “racial democracy”, nonetheless influential amongst political elites, one senses the inherent inequality within the colonial and later nation-building venture.[51] As Quijano and Ennis argue, the making of the fashionable Brazilian nation-state “a la europea” is itself a means of homogenisation that has made the indigenous topic an enemy.[52] It’s no surprise, then, that regardless of institutional efforts and rising worldwide consideration, fashionable Brazil stays hostile to indigenous existence. For such is the which means of “indigeneity” as inscribed by, to cite Quijano, a “coloniality of energy”.
Remaking the Indigenous Topic
The Lusophone world, in indigenous phrases
“The non-native authorities use this phrase so much: ‘vital’. For you, who dwell within the metropolis, merchandise are a very powerful factor… What issues to us are the animals within the forest, fertility… our survival, our progress, our lifestyle, and our existence as folks.”[53] These are the phrases of Davis Kopenawa, shaman and consultant of the Yanomami folks and one of many screenwriters for The Final Forest, at Harvard College, addressed to a largely white viewers. Such sights have grow to be extra widespread in recent times as indigenous folks grow to be more and more vocal (or more and more heard) in advocating for his or her rights in opposition to infringement by the state and industries. Not solely have many indigenous peoples skilled a “demographic turnaround”, they’ve additionally discovered a brand new language for his or her wrestle in mild of the altering worldview of the worldwide neighborhood.[54] Local weather change in indigenous lands and worldwide highlights the significance of defending each the forests and their residents. Thus, of their advocacy, organisations just like the UN, Survival Worldwide, and indigenous peoples themselves have linked the dual causes of environmental safety and indigenous survival.[55] Postcolonial thinkers are additionally standing in solidarity with the indigenous subalterns, as they make clear insights from indigenous cosmologies.[56] These have supplied a brand new language[57] and a brand new realm of speech for these relegated to the margins of the fashionable age.
Nonetheless, within the closing evaluation, there’s something disturbing within the language that the indigenous are the very best guardian of the forest,[58] and “useful” for assuaging the unfolding local weather disaster. Probably, there may be a lot to be taught from indigenous peoples in Brazil and elsewhere to encourage various imaginaries of the Anthropocene.[59] But at its coronary heart, this utilitarian language echoes the logic of elimination central to settler colonialism. It’s exactly because of this logic of settler colonialism, as elaborated by Wolfe, that indigenous peoples in Brazil, regardless of surviving the colonial situation, have largely noticed their native title/entitlement extinguished. The wound goes nonetheless deeper. As Brantlinger argues, “the juggernaut of financial improvement [is] to peoples attempting to take care of conventional methods of life . . . simply as harmful as armed massacres.”[60] To carry the fashionable Brazilian nation-state “to the precise courtroom”, the genocidality of the fashionable situation should be the main target, not some fading hope for potential advantages from the indigenous peoples’ survival; the Anthropocene is just not their duty. Bloodbath remains to be ongoing (to not neglect how COVID-19 impacts indigenous peoples), as gold prospectors raided indigenous lands and polluted rivers with mercury.[61] Whereas indigenous peoples proceed to press for his or her calls for,[62] the Bolsonaro regime has resolutely rejected their claims to ancestral lands.[63]
To conclude, the shifting structure of “indigeneity” in Brazil charts a historical past of the indigenous peoples’ resistance in opposition to colonial closure of the frontier. Up to now, coloniality (even in postcolonial occasions) seems triumphant. Whether or not this sounds pessimistic, the language of modernity reigns supreme. But, lest we neglect, the indigenous peoples’ actuality stays certainly one of refusing to be mourned as “(near-)extinct”, refusing to be written out of historical past together with their struggles for a rightful place in Brazil, and refusing to relinquish to an intrusive colonio-capitalist ideology. Therein lies the incivility of and essential problem to the fashionable capitalist world and fashionable Brazilian regime, which the making of indigeneity for elimination continually reminds certainly one of.
Notes
[1]On this essay, I take advantage of the phrases “indigenous”, “Indian”, and “native” interchangeably. As my theoretical framework will clarify, I’d deal with none of those phrases as extra indifferent from colonial affect than the others.
[2] Bolognesi, The Final Forest.
[3] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 5.
[4] Gomes offers an in depth define of the totally different indigenous “ethnies” with their corresponding language households and geographical areas. Nonetheless, such anthropological categorisations are definitely to some extent arbitrary, as Gomes admits when discussing conflicting figures in current literature. See ibid., 132–53, 250–58, and 259, footnote 2.
[5] Ibid., 1.
[6] Appiah, In My Father’s Home, 60; quoted and elaborated in Robertson, “Glocalization,” 37–38.
[7] Schwarcz and Starling, “First Got here the Identify, and Then the Land Referred to as Brazil.”
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ibid.
[10] Quoted in Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 58.
[11] Schwarcz and Starling, “First Got here the Identify, and Then the Land Referred to as Brazil.”
[12] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 67.
[13] Ibid., 59–60.
[14] Schwarcz and Starling, “First Got here the Identify, and Then the Land Referred to as Brazil.”
[15] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 64.
[16] Ibid., 59–64.
[17] Ibid., 72.
[18] Barickman, “‘Tame Indians,’ ‘Wild Heathens,’ and Settlers in Southern Bahia,” 337.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Ibid., 338–41.
[21] Foucault, “Panopticism”; and Foucault, “The Physique of the Condemned.”
[22] Barickman, “‘Tame Indians,’ ‘Wild Heathens,’ and Settlers in Southern Bahia.”
[23] Walzer, “Emergency Ethics,” 43.
[24] Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” 398.
[25] Ibid., 401.
[26] Barickman, “‘Tame Indians,’ ‘Wild Heathens,’ and Settlers in Southern Bahia,” 351, observe 76.
[27] Ibid., 351.
[28] Schwartz, Slaves, Peasants, and Rebels, 51.
[29] Langfur, The Forbidden Lands, 39.
[30] Barickman, “‘Tame Indians,’ ‘Wild Heathens,’ and Settlers in Southern Bahia,” 330.
[31] Ibid., 341; Carelli et al., Indians in Brazil.
[32] Carelli et al., Indians in Brazil.
[33] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 9.
[34] Ibid., 70; Miki, “Exterior of Society,” 2018, 34.
[35] Barickman, “‘Tame Indians,’ ‘Wild Heathens,’ and Settlers in Southern Bahia,” 326.
[36] Barman, Brazil, 169.
[37] Miki, “Exterior of Society,” 2018, 34.
[38] Ibid., 53.
[39] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 72; Miki, “Exterior of Society,” 2018, 34.
[40] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 72–73.
[41] Ibid., 73.
[42] Ibid., 74; Miki, “Exterior of Society,” 2018, 102–4.
[43] Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” 388.
[44] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, 77.
[45] Ibid., 77–81.
[46] Ibid., 81.
[47] Ibid., 82–88.
[48] Ibid., 177.
[49] Ibid., 83.
[50] Miki, Frontiers of Citizenship, 259.
[51] Dávila, “Brazil within the Lusotropical World.”
[52] Quijano and Ennis, “Coloniality of Energy.”
[53] Bolognesi, The Final Forest.
[54] Gomes, The Indians and Brazil, ix–xii.
[55] For instance, see FAO and FILAC, Forest Governance by Indigenous and Tribal Peoples; and Survival Worldwide, The Huge Inexperienced Lie.
[56] As an example, Santos, The Finish of the Cognitive Empire.
[57] It’s definitely true that this language (of indigenous survival being inextricable from the numerous “international challenges” of the fashionable world) is just not completely new, nor does it belong solely if in any respect to the indigenous. In some sense, it may even be interpreted right into a binary of indigenous (nature)/settler (tradition). As I’ve tried to take care of all through this essay, a lot of the articulations by the indigenous and the non-indigenous have because the referent the opposite social gathering of this dialectical pair. Therefore my qualification subsequent concerning the colonial imprint on this language. Nonetheless, I believe one can’t deny indigenous company. The secret’s to recognise that “company” is senseless exterior a system of oppression, which might be so crushing {that a} broad-based and strategic alliance for resistance is urgently wanted.
[58] Carrington, “Indigenous Peoples by Far the Finest Guardians of Forests – UN Report.”
[59] See, for example, Pereira and Gebara, “The place the Materials and the Symbolic Intertwine.”
[60] Brantlinger, “White Twilights,” 190.
[61] Bolognesi, The Final Forest; “Report.”
[62] “1000’s of Indigenous Individuals in Brasilia Press for Their Ancestral Proper to Land.”
[63] “Bolsonaro Reiterates That Additional Demand for Indigenous Lands Threatens Brazilian Agriculture”; “Brazil Authorities Authorizes Armed Forces Deployment on Indigenous Lands in Rio Grande Do Sul State.”
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Additional Studying on E-Worldwide Relations
